The guessing game continues in Tehran as the three competing conservative factions try to represent their
candidate as the one favored by the Supreme Leader. Last week, it appeared that
Ayatollah Khamenei was priming the nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili to become
the next president. This week, however, the conservative papers as well as the
reformists began to suspect that Jalili was acting as Ahmadinejad’s sleeper
cell. While all eyes were on Masha’ei as Ahmadinejad’s Medvedev, a number of
editorials suggested that Ahmadinejad successfully got the Guardian Council to
qualify Jalili to run. If that is the case, the Supreme Leader will have a
difficult time to throw his support behind a man who is also supported by
Ahmadinejad, given that the outgoing president is now officially the black
sheep of the principlist conservatives. Almost no one among the conservative
elites trusts Ahmadinejad any more. What ever he touches turns to dust.
And then there is still the conservative coalition known as
the 2+1. Originally, the plan was that from the three candidates of this
coalition, two would step aside and endorse the third one at the end of the
qualification process. Now that all three are qualified, none is willing to
endorse the other. All three want to become the president. Yesterday, after a
three-hour meeting all three reiterated that none is stepping aside in favor of
the others.
Qalibaf presents himself as a candidate of all classes. He tries particularly to appear appealing to Tehran's large middle class with a significant electoral weight. |
In every single poll conducted by the conservative think
tanks, the charismatic member of 2+1, Tehran’s mayor Mohammad Qalibaf, is
substantially ahead of his other conservative rivals. But Qalibaf also is a wild
card. He has ambitions of his own and is unlikely to become the “yes-man” of
the Supreme Leader.
The Supreme Leader has already learned from his experience
of the last Tehran mayor to become president (Ahmadinejad), that he must empty
the office of presidency from an institution of independent thinking. In
effect, he wants to turn the office of the president officially into the
executive wing of the Supreme Leader. After the last election in 2009,
Ayatollah Khamenei made it clear that he will no longer tolerate a reformist
president. Now his predicament is how to make his wishes a reality in an
electoral process that remains unpredictable and difficult to manipulate.
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